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Netanyahu's War
Andrew Wilson and Louise Strait
July 31, 2014
Surely, if Israel is attacked, it has the right to defend itself. Whenever Israel faced implacable foes in the past, beginning in 1948 with its war of independence and continuing in the '67 and Yom Kippur wars, we in the West applauded as Israel's plucky defense forces defeated the enemy and built the bulwark of liberty that has made Israel a democratic bastion of freedom and a beacon to Jews everywhere. Nevertheless, that freedom came with the responsibility to show respect to the defeated. The world applauded when Israel made peace with Egypt. This only left the Palestinians. So the world has been watching how Israel treats the Palestinian issue, longing for a just resolution in the establishment of two states.
So last year when President Obama came to Israel and gained Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu's agreement to begin peace talks with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, the hopes of the world were behind that effort. Those talks were precisely what the world was asking for, and America was asking for too when it vetoed Palestine's request for statehood at the UN Security Council in 2012. America said that Israel and the Palestinians need to solve this problem together, that Palestine cannot become a state unilaterally. Consistent with that principle, Secretary of State Kerry did all he could to encourage an agreement.
The key to beginning the talks was the agreement last summer between Kerry, Abbas and Netanyahu that Israel should release 103 Palestinian prisoners in 4 tranches. For that concession Abbas was willing to drop his earlier precondition, which he had held since 2010, that Israel cease new settlement construction. He was also willing to suspend his plans to go to the UN and the ICC. So prisoners were released and the talks began. But on April 3, 2014, the agreed-upon date to release the 4th batch of prisoners, Netanyahu reneged. At that point the talks broke down.
After a few more weeks of back-and-forth to no avail, having seen the failure of the talks, which was clearly Israel's fault, on April 23 Abbas signed the unity agreement with Hamas. Netanyahu could not accept it; he objected vociferously, saying that Israel would never negotiate as long as Hamas was in the government. But the American government was willing to suspend judgment, seeing as how Hamas had agreed to come under Abbas's wing in terms of its foreign policy and participate in a neutral, technocratic coalition government. Dr. Wilson has written elsewhere of a possible peaceful path, through negotiations and diplomacy, whereby Hamas could move away from its traditional policy of non-recognition of Israel, just as the PLO had done two decades earlier.
Failing to obtain American buy-in for his hard-line position, Netanyahu began to plot how he could break the unity government. So when the three Israeli teens were murdered on June 12, he seized upon that moment to launch Operation Brother's Keeper, an offensive in the West Bank against Hamas members. This was a well-orchestrated operation, disguised as an attempt to rescue the "kidnapped" teens whom Israel knew were already dead and probably not even killed by Hamas. But no matter, Israel's purpose was to attack Hamas. The IDF arrested hundreds of Hamas sympathizers all over the West Bank, and also began bombing Gaza. For Hamas, which had been honoring the 2012 cease-fire, too many red lines had been crossed. They responded with missiles, first on June 16 with only 4 launches. Israel responded by bombing and invading Gaza, and here we are.
The facts are clear. This war is Netanyahu's war. It is the bitter fruit of his decision to scuttle the peace talks when he reneged on the agreement to release the prisoners and to go on an unprovoked offensive against Hamas in the West Bank. Israel is clearly responsible for this, regardless of all the hasbara that the government is throwing up to justify its actions. Hamas did not begin this war; it had been honoring the 2012 cease-fire and exercising restraint, more or less. It could have continued that restraint while taking the diplomatic route in a unity government.
It was Netanyahu who set events in motion. He had a choice between peace and war, and he chose war. It was a choice between negotiating in good faith for two states and maintaining the occupation by any means necessary. He chose the latter, "by any means necessary."
It is also a self-serving war, a "tail wagging the dog" war. That is, it neatly serves Netanyahu's personal political agenda by rebuilding his base in Likud, pandering to his settler constituency, and cementing a coalition that was in danger of fracturing when the peace talks ended. Recall the trenchant criticism from Yair Lapid and and Tzipi Livni back in early May, and noises that they were contemplating leaving the governing coalition and joining with Labor Party leader Chaim Herzog? The Gaza war put a stop to all that. Netanyahu is clearly a most clever politician, but as a statesman he is venal and short-sighted.
No one likes to have their life disturbed by missile attacks, even if largely ineffectual. We can well understand how ordinary Israelis are rallying around the flag and supporting the war. But the circumstances of this war, along with the disproportionate deaths of civilians in Gaza, especially children, are repugnant. Israel has forfeited the moral high ground, weakened its relationship with the United States, its staunchest ally, and may risk the wrath of Europe. And it is all because Netanyahu could not bring himself to sincerely work with Abbas for an honorable peace agreement that would establish a Palestinian state on the West Bank.
We still hope that when the dust settles, after mourning the dead, Israelis can begin to reassess themselves, where their country is going, and what sort of future they want for their children. Israelis need to understand that their future will be secured by working for peace, based on love and respect for all members of the human family. But if Israel continues to only think of its own welfare while it persists in frustrating the hopes of the Palestinian people for peace with dignity, we fear for its future.
July 31, 2014
Surely, if Israel is attacked, it has the right to defend itself. Whenever Israel faced implacable foes in the past, beginning in 1948 with its war of independence and continuing in the '67 and Yom Kippur wars, we in the West applauded as Israel's plucky defense forces defeated the enemy and built the bulwark of liberty that has made Israel a democratic bastion of freedom and a beacon to Jews everywhere. Nevertheless, that freedom came with the responsibility to show respect to the defeated. The world applauded when Israel made peace with Egypt. This only left the Palestinians. So the world has been watching how Israel treats the Palestinian issue, longing for a just resolution in the establishment of two states.
So last year when President Obama came to Israel and gained Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu's agreement to begin peace talks with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, the hopes of the world were behind that effort. Those talks were precisely what the world was asking for, and America was asking for too when it vetoed Palestine's request for statehood at the UN Security Council in 2012. America said that Israel and the Palestinians need to solve this problem together, that Palestine cannot become a state unilaterally. Consistent with that principle, Secretary of State Kerry did all he could to encourage an agreement.
The key to beginning the talks was the agreement last summer between Kerry, Abbas and Netanyahu that Israel should release 103 Palestinian prisoners in 4 tranches. For that concession Abbas was willing to drop his earlier precondition, which he had held since 2010, that Israel cease new settlement construction. He was also willing to suspend his plans to go to the UN and the ICC. So prisoners were released and the talks began. But on April 3, 2014, the agreed-upon date to release the 4th batch of prisoners, Netanyahu reneged. At that point the talks broke down.
After a few more weeks of back-and-forth to no avail, having seen the failure of the talks, which was clearly Israel's fault, on April 23 Abbas signed the unity agreement with Hamas. Netanyahu could not accept it; he objected vociferously, saying that Israel would never negotiate as long as Hamas was in the government. But the American government was willing to suspend judgment, seeing as how Hamas had agreed to come under Abbas's wing in terms of its foreign policy and participate in a neutral, technocratic coalition government. Dr. Wilson has written elsewhere of a possible peaceful path, through negotiations and diplomacy, whereby Hamas could move away from its traditional policy of non-recognition of Israel, just as the PLO had done two decades earlier.
Failing to obtain American buy-in for his hard-line position, Netanyahu began to plot how he could break the unity government. So when the three Israeli teens were murdered on June 12, he seized upon that moment to launch Operation Brother's Keeper, an offensive in the West Bank against Hamas members. This was a well-orchestrated operation, disguised as an attempt to rescue the "kidnapped" teens whom Israel knew were already dead and probably not even killed by Hamas. But no matter, Israel's purpose was to attack Hamas. The IDF arrested hundreds of Hamas sympathizers all over the West Bank, and also began bombing Gaza. For Hamas, which had been honoring the 2012 cease-fire, too many red lines had been crossed. They responded with missiles, first on June 16 with only 4 launches. Israel responded by bombing and invading Gaza, and here we are.
The facts are clear. This war is Netanyahu's war. It is the bitter fruit of his decision to scuttle the peace talks when he reneged on the agreement to release the prisoners and to go on an unprovoked offensive against Hamas in the West Bank. Israel is clearly responsible for this, regardless of all the hasbara that the government is throwing up to justify its actions. Hamas did not begin this war; it had been honoring the 2012 cease-fire and exercising restraint, more or less. It could have continued that restraint while taking the diplomatic route in a unity government.
It was Netanyahu who set events in motion. He had a choice between peace and war, and he chose war. It was a choice between negotiating in good faith for two states and maintaining the occupation by any means necessary. He chose the latter, "by any means necessary."
It is also a self-serving war, a "tail wagging the dog" war. That is, it neatly serves Netanyahu's personal political agenda by rebuilding his base in Likud, pandering to his settler constituency, and cementing a coalition that was in danger of fracturing when the peace talks ended. Recall the trenchant criticism from Yair Lapid and and Tzipi Livni back in early May, and noises that they were contemplating leaving the governing coalition and joining with Labor Party leader Chaim Herzog? The Gaza war put a stop to all that. Netanyahu is clearly a most clever politician, but as a statesman he is venal and short-sighted.
No one likes to have their life disturbed by missile attacks, even if largely ineffectual. We can well understand how ordinary Israelis are rallying around the flag and supporting the war. But the circumstances of this war, along with the disproportionate deaths of civilians in Gaza, especially children, are repugnant. Israel has forfeited the moral high ground, weakened its relationship with the United States, its staunchest ally, and may risk the wrath of Europe. And it is all because Netanyahu could not bring himself to sincerely work with Abbas for an honorable peace agreement that would establish a Palestinian state on the West Bank.
We still hope that when the dust settles, after mourning the dead, Israelis can begin to reassess themselves, where their country is going, and what sort of future they want for their children. Israelis need to understand that their future will be secured by working for peace, based on love and respect for all members of the human family. But if Israel continues to only think of its own welfare while it persists in frustrating the hopes of the Palestinian people for peace with dignity, we fear for its future.
