Citizens Proposal for a Border between Israel and Palestine
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  • About
  • General Issues
    • Access
    • Culture and Identity
    • Land Transfer
    • Right of Return
    • Gaza
    • Security
    • Jerusalem
    • Other Areas of Joint Administration
    • Jewish Settlers: Those Who Return and Those Who Remain within Palestine
    • Arab Communities within Israel
    • Legal Protections, Human Rights and the International Community
  • Maps
    • Overview Map
    • Northern West Bank
    • North Jerusalem
    • Jerusalem -- Eastern Areas of Focus
    • Ma’ale Adumim, E-1 and Access
    • South Jerusalem
    • Southern West Bank
    • Gaza and its Future Development
    • Conclusion
  • Position Statements
    • 2011 >
      • Har Homa C
      • Giv’at Hamatos
      • The Question of Recognizing Israel as a Jewish State
      • Let Us Prepare for Two States
      • Can Palestinians Recognize Israel’s “Jewish Character”?
      • Next Steps: Negotiating an Initial Border
      • Etzion Bloc Expansion: Israeli Overreaching
      • Israel’s Tussle with Europe
    • 2012 >
      • Time to Negotiate the Northern and Southern Sectors of the Israeli-West Bank Border
      • President Peres and Dr. Ashrawi: Thank You for Staying on Track
      • Playing the Victim Card Will Not Bring Peace
      • Negotiations By the Parties
      • The World Should Help the Palestinian Hunger Striker
      • ...and only afterwards move to discuss the topic of Jerusalem
      • A Question of Accountability
      • Israel Twisting in the Wind
      • Netanyahu: Too Big for His Britches
      • Netanyahu's "Israeli Comfort"
      • How Shaul Mofaz Can Jump-Start the Peace Process
      • Netanyahu on the Brink
      • Time for Taking Stock
      • Israel in Wonderland
      • Whatever Happened to the Quartet?
      • The Palestinians Want to Negotiate
      • A Time for Hope and a Call for Restraint
      • Israel Can Win in Gaza, But Not Now
      • Congratulations to the New State of Palestine!
      • Security and Borders: Both Required for Peace
    • 2013 >
      • It Is Up to Israel to Restart Peace Negotiations
      • Israel and Palestine: Changing the Terms of Agreement
      • The Knesset Bill to Increase the Number of Women that Elect the Chief Rabbis Is Important for Jewish Women
      • Proposal on Governance of the Holy Basin
      • Time for Netanyahu to Reach Across the Aisle
      • Tzipi Livni's Challenge
      • Women Should Be Free to Pray at the Wailing Wall
      • Proposed Highway through the Jordan Valley Will Backfire on Israel
    • 2014 >
      • Secretary Kerry, Please Beware of Israel’s Stalling Tactics
      • A Proposal on the Issue of Palestinian Recognition of Israel as a Jewish State
      • Proposed “Jewish State” Law a Threat to Israel’s Democracy
      • Journaling: Hope and Despair - Seven Weeks In
      • Netanyahu's War
    • 2015 >
      • We Should Applaud Herzog and Livni for Reclaiming Zionism
      • The Next Israeli Government
      • West Bank Citizenry and Receipt of Individuals of Palestinian Origin
      • What Next for Israel?
      • Palestinian statehood
      • Mischief in the Trade Legislation would Hinder Progress
      • What Next for America?
      • Could American Firms Choose to Gradually Disinvest from Israel?
      • Boycotting Israel is not anti-Semitism
    • 2016 >
      • Isaac Herzog's Diplomatic Initiative: Can This Detour Be Reframed Into a Road to Two States?
      • The Choice of Friedman as Envoy to Israel Is a Challenge to the Soul of American Judaism
      • America’s Abstention at the UN: Well Played!
      • Lapid: A New Leader for Israel?
    • 2017 >
      • Outcomes of SC Resolution 2334
      • Release the Tapes of the Noni Affair
      • Yair Lapid: A Strong Leader for a Secure Israel
      • Bill to Annex E-1: A Knife in the Heart of the Two-State Solution
      • Thus Endeth the Jewish State
      • CP Suspending Operation
    • 2019 >
      • Return to Two States
      • ​Benny Gantz Can Do Better than Pander to the Settlers
      • The Joint List Should Join the Government
    • 2020 >
      • Israel's Moment of Opportunity
      • Trump’s Unfair Middle East Plan Leaves Nothing to Negotiate
  • Resources
  • About the Authors

Northern West Bank

Picture

Jordan River to Budrus 

The proposed border of the northern West Bank follows the 1967 Line except as otherwise noted (i.e., it follows the separation wall at Oranit and in the segment north of Budrus).

We believe the Jordan River valley should be within Palestine, for reasons of territorial contiguity and to provide natural access from Palestine to Jordan.

Israeli settlements east of the border are within the territory of Palestine. This proposal includes call-outs that outline unique arrangements that could be made for certain settlements, but any such arrangements are contingent on approval by the government of Palestine. Thus, some settlements could be provided with road access to Israel; a few could be brought within Israel by border adjustments; but most would have the sole option to remain as minority communities in Palestine, whence it is hoped that many will continue their daily life in peace and security, living as good neighbors among good neighbors. Generally speaking, border modifications or road access would be considered only for settlements within 8 km of the border. Refer to the discussion of Giv’at Ze’ev for an example of the sort of mutual agreements that might be considered.

The unique enclave of Ariel and adjacent settlements to its west are proposed to become an Autonomous Economic Zone, to be administered jointly by Israel and Palestine and with road access to Israel.
Picture

_Oranit--Elkana--Ari’el Economic Zone--Ariel

_The Citizens Proposal suggests that the municipality of Ariel (shaded pink) become an autonomous district administered by its own citizens, under Israeli law. It will be a part of the Ariel Economic Zone, an autonomous zone jointly administered by Palestine and Israel with guaranteed right of transit to and from Israel. Likewise, Palestinians will have unrestricted north–south road access through the zone from Kifl Hareth and Jama'in to Salfit and Bouruqin.

The Israeli region of Oranit and Elkana extends eastward, facilitating road access to the Ariel Economic Zone. The proposed border here largely follows the separation wall, except that it does not include within Israel the farms and fields of the Palestinian community of Azun Atme that is situated east of Oranit.

Picture

_Modi’in Region: Budrus to Mevaseret Tziyon

_The settlements of the Modi’in bloc east of the Armistice Line are placed within Israel because they are part of the Modi’in metropolitan area. North of Modi’in Ilit the proposed border extends north-northwest until it intersects the western-most of the two armistice lines and then follows it north to Budrus. The portion of the border east of Modi’in Ilit and Kfar Rut is intended to follow the separation wall, and this particular rendering should not prejudice changes in the route of the wall resulting from court decisions, as in the case of Bil’in. South of Maccabim the border follows the eastern Armistice Line south towards Mevo Horon.

The area where both Armistice Lines protrude into Israel as far as Latrun impinges on the major Israeli highway between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem (as well as the high-speed rail line under construction); hence for purposes of contiguity it is placed in Israeli territory, including Mevo Horon. From Mevo Horon east as far as Har Adar the proposed border follows the western line. The border around Har Adar follows the separation wall and continues east along the armistice line to the junction of the magenta and blue lines. This marks the end of the Northern West Bank segment of the border and the start of the North Jerusalem segment.
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